Women’s Empowerment Links to SDGs; Where Are We?

Eleanor Roosevelt pernah bilang bahwa Human rights start close to home. Tampaknya ini yang menginspirasi Ban Kin-moon sekretaris general PBB untuk tetap berkomitmen sejak awal ingin mempromosikan kesetaraan gender dalam PBB. Dalam pidato pembukaannya di sindang PBB pada Commission on the Status of Women (CSW), yang dibuka pada tanggal 14 Maret 2016, menekankan kembali pentingnya perwakilan perempuan dalam parlemen dan kabinet. Menurut Ban Kin-Moon, saat ini masih ada lima negara yang tidak memiliki keterwakilan perempuan dan tujuh negara yang tak satupun perempuan ada di kabinet. Sayangnya beliau tidak menyebutkan siapa-siapa saja yang ada disana. 

Komitmen sekjed PBB telah dibuktikan dengan mengangkat 150 asisten Sekjed dan staf yang bekerja dibawah Sekjed PBB. Dalam pidatonya Sekjed juga memberikan perhatian pada persoalan extrimisme. Saat ini PBB sedang menyiapkan The UN Plan of Action to Prevent Violent Extremeism yang telah menyiapkan usulan untuk memberikan ruang pada perempuan untuk terlibat respon global dan juga memastikan bahwa dalam upaya mengkonter terorisme dan violent extremism tetap menggunakan human rights sebagai kerangka acuan.

Feminis Indonesia Berbicara Kedaulatan Desa

Warni, seorang aktifis muda dari Ambon, saya temui di Bandara pada 4 May lalu begitu bersemangat menceritakan aktifitasnya memberdayakan anak muda di kampungnya. Cita-citanya adalah ingin melihat anak-anak muda di kampungnya aktif merespon persoalan masyarakat. Misalnya dia menceritakan tentang kerusakan lingkungan yang sering mengakibatkan banjir, sulitnya akses reproduksi buat ibu melahirkan, dan sulitnya meyakinkan anak muda untuk peduli terhadap lingkungn sekitarnya. Disisi lain kita sangat dihadapkan pada pragmatisme masyarakat yang sangat kuat. Misalnya saja pada saat Pemilu Legislatif, masih banyak masyarakat hak suaranya bisa dibeli dengan Rp 50.000. Ini semua yang membuat Warni bersikukuh untuk tetap tinggal di desa dan bekerja di yayasan Kajonli, sebuah wadah pemberdayaan anak muda.

Apa yang sedang diperjuangkan oleh Warni, menemukan momentum yang tepat karena arah pembangunan ke depan berkiblat pada pengembangan desa dan segala potensi lokalnya. Undang-Undang Nomer 6 tahun 2014 tentang Desa, memberikan harapan baru pada warga desa bukan saja pada penjaminan anggaran pembangunan Desa, tetapi kewenangan-kewenangan Desa belum pernah dipercayakan dengan penuh. Kewenangan pertama adalah kewenangan hak asal usul, yaitu hak yang dimiliki oleh desa sebelum terintegrasi dengan negara, tetapi masih relevan dalam kehidupan berbanga. 

Empowering Village, Protecting Minority?

73.000 villages exist in Indonesia. This is one of essential reason why specific regulation on the villages need to be formulated in Indonesia. UU (Act) No. 6 Year 2014 regarding the The Village just inaugurated as one of biggest achievement of Indonesia Civil Societies in advocating the shifting paradigm of policy makers from centralized approach to development to decentralization, where villages will have autonomy to manage there administration, human resources and natural resources for the purpose of people's welfare. This writing is aimed to discuss about possibilities of improvement of protection of minority groups through The Village Act No. 6 Year 2014.  

Firstly, The Village Act content shows strongly opportunities for villages to use their local resources to fulfill the need of people, at the same time, the national government will provide financial support 1,4 Billion IDR (about 1,4 Million USD) to build the village as well as the neighboring areas. In term of authority, the village will have their own electoral system to elect the head of village, to select the suitable people to sit on the village's bureaucracy to support development. Including to hold human rights principles in governing the people (article 29), which she or he is not allowed to detriment the public interest.

Public Private Partnership: Learning from Bohol Province in The Phillipines

Banyak orang meragukan konsep Public Private Partnership (PPP). Pertama, karena PPP mengindikasikan sesuatu yang mustahil, dimana tujuan dari private sektor dan publik sektor jelas-jelas bertolak belakang, bak kutub utara dan selatan. Private sektor dianggap berorientasi pada profit semata, sementara sektor publik berorientasi pada pelayanan pada masyarakat. Yang kedua, tidak ada yang bisa menjamin apakah private sector bener-bener tulus dalam menyejahterakan masyarakat. Kekhawatiran lain terhadap konsep PPP adalah munculnya "profit-driven" dimana Sektor Private menitikberatkan pada keuntungan semata, sehingga ini sangat ditakutkan dapat mengurangi esensi dari pelayanan publik yang berorientasi pada kesejahteraan masyarakat. 

Seeking a Home of Tolerance; Rohingya and Muslim Solidarity

"We respond to the screams of Rohingya." It was the message written on the piece of paper that was found after bombing at Ekayana Tempel, in Duri Kepa, West Jakarta on August 5th 2013. Rohingya is one of minority ethnics in Myanmar. According to UN document, there are 800,000 Rohingya people living in Myanmar that mostly located in Western Rakhine State, which has been swept by sectarian violence in recent days.

Myanmar recognized the diversities of ethnic minorities in The 1982 Citizenship Law, as it is mentioned on the chapter II about citizenship, as it is quoted;

 Nationals such as the Kachin, Kayah, Karen, Chin, Burman, Mon, Rakhine or Shan and ethnic groups as have settled in any of the territories included within the State as their permanent home from a period anterior to 1185 B.E., 1823 A.D. are Burma citizens.

However, according to Abdul Kadir, council of Asian Muslim Action Network from Myanmar, during Session of intra inter faiths Dialogues in Bangkok on 1 September 2013, these ethnic minorities should be able to proof that they lived in Myanmar prior to 1185 B.E (1823 A.D)- before the first Anglo-Burmese war. With this law, Rohingya as one of ethnic minorities in Rakhaine state has difficulties to show their evident saying that their ancestor has settled during 1823 A.D.

Ma Wai Wai from Young Women’s Network for Arakan highlighted that conflict in Arakan was not only about identity or citizenship but more about the crisis of the current government which needs support from the (majority Buddhist) population. In the 1948 citizenship law there were 144 ethnic minority groups in Burma including Rohingya, but in the 1982 law, there were only 133 ethnic groups left. 11 groups were excluded, one of them is Rohingya. Most of those groups are Muslim. With the progress of democratic reform, gradually people have withdrawn their support from the military regime, however this has also caused demands for full rather than partial democracy.

In line with that, the Report of the Standing Committee on Foreign Affairs and International Development, which published in June 2013, highlighted that one of root causes of violence in Arakan State is Land Rights. The Economic development in Burma is able to resolve crisis, but at the same time increase violation of human rights, event dead of many people belonging to ethnic minorities. As I quoted from the report, the Land Rights as one of major problem cause ethnic minority react violently to Burmese government because insensitive development. For instance in Kachin state, building of the power dam in north of Myitkyin, the capital city has removed thousands people, without displacement. Instead of employing local people, 10,000 migrant workers from China were imported to come.

Similarly, lands are being confiscated to build a pipeline that will transport natural gas found in the Bay of Bengal, off the coast of Rakhine State in western Burma, through the middle of country and across Shan State in the east, for sale to China, where the pipeline will terminate. This causes displacement of people, land taken by the state without fair compensation, human rights abuse and violence. If people complain they are gone to detention jail or disappear.

The violent conflict in Arakan State is not simply about identity card citizenship for Rohingya people, but economic interests interplayed with an identity crisis. More than 200 people died in the 2012 violence and thousand people fled from the country to seek asylum. The rest are living at camps. Perhaps, it was also triggered by sentiment of ethnic religious campaign of “burmanization”, which provoked by General Ne Win who led a coup d’etat in 1962 to clear up Burma from the outside world and to create a socialist state. The country wanted to unite nationality with character of Buddhism. It is called “Operation Nagmin” in 1977 which aimed to scrutinize the citizenship status of all individuals and to expel foreigners. In Rakhine State, this policy led to extreme violence and massive human rights violations against the Rohingya and the “mass exodus” of an estimated 200,000 Rohingya across the Burmese-Bangladeshi border. Now, thousand of them are staying temporary in Thailand, Malaysia, Indonesia and others to seek security and a home of tolerance.

A home of tolerance?

Though Indonesia is not a country entitles to give asylum to people, but there are 276 Rohingya reported by Ditjen Immigration, are now staying in Medan, Riau, Manado, Yogyakarta, Aceh, Bogor, Jakarta, and some other places to request a shelter before continuing to Australia as a home of tolerance for them. The existence of Rohingya in Indonesia gain empathy and support from civil societies as Muslim brother and sister. For instance, about Jakarta Legal Aid Institution (LBH Jakarta) has received 18 people who used to resettle in Malaysis for thirty years. Dompet Dhuafa, on of charity organization provided foods, and other necessity for Rohingya in Jakarta during. In Medan, UNHCR provide Rp 40,000 allowance everydays. In Jember, as reported by Tempo on 18 April 2013, 68 Rohingya arrested by the police and put in Hotel. Under coordination of Branch of Nahdatul Ulama, people of Jember donated some aids. In one side it teaches people of Indonesia to show their strong solidarity in helping Rohignya, but on the other side, this can be used by a certain group to sharpen intolerance to non Muslim.

The message of bombing of the Ekayana temple justify my second argumentation that an intolerance group has taken this change to deepen hatred among people towards non Muslim. Indonesian people should take this incident as an effort to break up our unity and destroy characteristics of Indonesia people who have been well-known as friendly, tolerant, respect to diversities, accept pluralism and multiculturalism. People of Indonesia should show to the world that Indonesia can be a home of tolerance for everyone who seeks helps. Rohingya are human being. They should be treated as human being as part of our brotherhood and sisterhood. When I met them at Indonesia Legal Aid two months ago in Jakarta, they said if Indonesia would give us a home, they might not continue to go to Australia. ***

Membangun Perdamaian Lewat Melek Huruf

102.597 orang di Sampang buta huruf, menurut data yang disampaikan oleh Ketua Komisi D DPRD setempat, Amin Arif Tirtana. Data ini disampaikan pada tahun 2012. Tingginya angka buta huruf ini tentu mengandung konsekuensi-konsekuensi sepertinya rasa tidak percaya diri karena hanya memiliki keterbatasan pengetahuan dan skill. Biasanya orang yang buta huruf hanya mengandalkan transfer pengetahuan melalui praktek-praktek dari generasi sebelumnya. Buta huruf juga sangat rentan terhadap praktek penipuan karena yang bersangkutan tidak bisa membaca dokumen. Dalam konteks ketegangan sosial antara Shia dan Sunni di Sampang, dokumen-dokumen bukti tentang fakta-fakta Shia tentu kesulitan diakses oleh sebagian banyak orang karena kondisi buta huruf mereka. Untuk itu mereka sangat mengandalkan kabar yang mereka dengar dari tetangga, saudara, atau kyai, yang kesemuanya menyampaikan interpretasi personal. Bisa dibayangkan warga yang buta huruf, mereka tentu punya keterbatasan untuk mengcross check dengan dokumen-dokumen yang tersedia. keterbatasan-keterbatasan inilah yang membuat suasana relasi shia dan sunni semakin terpuruk. 

Dalam laporan MDGs tahun 2010 yang dikeluarkan oleh Bapennas, Indonesia memang dianggap berhasil untuk meningkatkan jumlah melek huruf usia 14-24 tahun sejumlah 99,47%, dimana tingkat melek huruf di kalangan perempuan mencapai 99,40% dan melek huruf pada laki-laki mencapai 99,55%. Tentu saja figur nasional ini tidak bisa dijadikan ukuran, sebelum kita melihat di tingkat kabupaten. Angka buta huruf yang disampaikan di atas adalah realitas konkrit buta huruf di tingkat yang lebih rendah. 

Saat ini pemerintah nasional maupun propinsi sedang mempersiapkan penyelesaian kasus Sampang, dengan berupaya mengembalikan warga shia yang dipaksa relokasi di Rumah Susun Puspo Agro di Sidoarjo Jawa Timur. Semua orang tampaknya fokus pada persoalan bagaimana mengurai ketegangan dengan menggunakan pendekatan yang mengarah pada sumber masalah selama ini yaitu perbedaan keyakinan. Artinya tim rekonsiliasi memang ingin menyelesaikan persoalan konflik shia dan sunni di Sampang dengan melakukan penyadaran pada kedua belah pihak untuk tidak bisa menerima perbedaan. Tentu saja ini akan sangat memakan waktu karena kubu Sunni tentu saja tidak secara mudah menerima kondisi ini, meskipun opini publik mengarahkan pada penerimaan kembali warga shia ke Sampang. 

Dalam tulisan ini saya ingin menawarkan cara lain untuk mengurai ketegangan di Sampang yaitu melalui peningkatan angka melek huruf pada warga Sampang. Tentu saja arahan saya adalah meningkatkan melek huruf diantara warga shia dan sunni. Ini akan membutuhkan waktu yang cukup lama, tetapi kita akan melihat dampak signifikan terkait dengan peningkatan rasa percaya diri sehingga mengurangi ketergantungan warga pada patron klien mereka. Melek huruf pada warga shia dan sunni akan membantu mempercepat pembangunan karena warga bisa berpartisipasi aktif dalam proses pembangunan dimana semua akses dokumen terkait dengan kemajuan pembangunan bisa dibaca oleh semua warga. Kondisi melek huruf yang membaik di kalangan Sunni dan Shia juga dapat mencairkan ketegangan diantara merkea, karena keduanya dapat mengcross check setiap informasi yang negatif tentang salah satu kelompok, pada dokumen yang tersedia. Proses belajar melek huruf bisa dijadikan sebagai media rekonsiliasi warga yang buta huruf dengan memperkuat penanaman nilai-nilai toleransi dan kebhinekaan dalam proses mengenal huruf-huruf. Misalnya huruf A mewakili kata Adil. Dalam konteks ini sang pengajar bisa menggali tentang pengalaman Adil di peserta didik. B itu Bebas, dan sebagainya. Dengan cara ini peserta didik bisa belajar tentang huruf, menghuungkan huruf dengan huruf, serta memperdalam refleksi pengalaman kehidupan mereka sehingga disinilah akan muncul sikap empati dan welas asih yang bisa digerakkan pada upaya rekonsiliasi. *** 

Resource foto: http://partners.hpedsb.on.ca/booksandbeyond/blog/2010/10/16/critical-literacy/

Gender and Peacebuilding: Reflection from International Conference on Youth for Peace

Yesterday, I had my presentation on gender and peacebuilding at the international conference on youth and peace, which held under cooperation of Dhompet Dhuafa and the Asian Muslim Action Network (AMAN). As it is semi training, so i preferred to have exercise to begin my presentation by asking participants to identify detail activities of women and men using Gender Clock. The participants was divided into four groups, which each of group discuss about women and men's activities in normal situation and women and men's activities in conflict situation. 

The result was amazed for me. The activities of women in normal and conflict situation almost similar, which the reproductive role of women such as taking care children and husband, cleaning the house, food processing, serving breakfast, lunch and dinner are strongly reflected on the group presentation. There is some specific activities which are not covered on the list of women's activities in normal situation, such as seeking food  and discussion in the family about situation during conflict. Seeking food activities means that women are responsible to find aids during conflict and bring it home for the entire family members. While in the normal situation women seeking food in the market. The situation was totally contradictory to Gender Clock of Men living in normal and conflict situation. The activities are almost similar, in which men likely spend time for sport, working, and mostly in the public. Even during conflict, men likely to spend all the time to public and focus for battle. 

"The list of activities of women both in conflict and normal daily life are the same", Musa from Uganda said. He pointed in the very core of discussion on the gender and peacebuilding that in whatever situation women are doing more works in the domestics area like taking care the entire of family members and houses, because this is considered as women's duty. Even in the conflict situation, the tremendous work of women in protecting family and community never been seen as their contribution to peace process, rather it is considered as gender role. On the other hand, men's business in the battle is considered as part of bringing peace into family and community. But in fact, the conflict is turning to violence not peace. 

Kepemimpinan Perempuan dalam Transformasi Konflik : Sebuah Refleksi

Tulisan ini saya angkat dari pengalaman lapangan bekerja dengan The Asian Muslim Action Network (AMAN) Indonesia yang melakukan penguatan kapasitas kepemimpinan perempuan dan organisasinya di akar rumput di tiga kota yaitu Jakarta (Pondok Bambu dan Cakung Barat), Bogor (Loji) dan Poso (Malei Lage dan Pamona) dengan menggunakan framework transformasi konflik miliknya John Paul Lederac. Untuk mendapatkan sebuah hasil optimal sesuai dengan  kepentingan tulisan ini, saya ingin mengambil pengalaman para ibu di Poso yaitu di salah satu desa bernama Malei Lage, kabupaten Poso. Pemilihan Malei Lage memang disengaja karena tingkat diversitas masyarakatnya, pengalaman unik membangun kembali relasi antara muslim dan Kristen pasca konflik, juga tentang perjuangan mengikis distrust, dendam, keraguan dan bahkan perpecahan. Yurlianti,  perempuan Kristen sederhana meniti perubahan dirinya dari ordinary women to extra ordinary women. Proses menjadi extra ordinary woman inilah yang ingin saya bagi untuk pembaca Suara Rahima, karena mengajarkan bagaimana kepemimpinan perempuan dalam situasi pasca konflik. Lebih jauh, tulisan ini akan menyuguhkan bagaimana kerangka kerja transformasi konflik bekerja dalam konteks kepemimpinan perempuan. Sebelumnya, saya ingin pembaca mengenal framework transformasi konflik dan bagaimana aplikasinya ke dalam konteks kepemimpinan perempuan melalui diskripsi cerita tokoh bernama Yurlianti atau Mama Monica.